George Smitherman’s High Principle

Yesterday evening, former MPP George Smitherman appeared as a witness supporting Windstream in its $475 million NAFTA suit against the Canadian government. Over the course of about 2 hours, Mr. Smitherman delivered what appeared to me to be a broadside against the Canadian taxpayer with little push back from Canada’s lawyers.

Mr. Smitherman was asked to introduce himself to the Tribunal. He served three terms as an MPP, held portfolios of Health & Long Term Care and Energy & Infrastructure, and served as Deputy Premier. He explained that in the McGuinty government, a handful of top officials spoke with the authority of the Premier on issues of policy and that all major policy initiatives or changes in direction had to be cleared by “The Centre”, meaning the Premier’s Office.

After a very brief examination-in-chief, he was cross-examined by lawyer Shane Spelliscy, who like many on the legal team for Canada, was one of the litigators in the Mesa case (pending a decision since that hearing ended in 2014).

Initial questioning established that Mr. Smitherman was active in the green energy sector in the year after leaving government but his primary activity in this period was to run for mayor of Toronto. Over the course of his testimony, he made several witty remarks about his unsuccessful foray into municipal politics.

Central to the government’s case is a twisty-turny hypothesis. Canada is saying the Ontario government was not prepared from a regulatory perspective to accommodate the development of the off-shore wind industry and that Windstream should have known this fact and abandoned its effort to develop the 300 MW, 130 turbine off-shore wind power project the Ontario government had contracted Windstream to build. In aid of this hypothesis, Mr. Spelliscy presented Mr. Smitherman with a press release issued after he had resigned from the government, the gist of which was that the government was putting off-shore wind development on hold pending the need for more “research”. Mr. Smitherman’s response was, “˜No one discussed with me during the development and early FIT period that the government wasn’t ready to accommodate the development of off-shore wind’ (My effort to record direct quotations should be taken as approximations only.) Elsewhere over the course of the testimony, Mr. Smitherman stated that the ministers of Environment and Natural Resources during his time expressed strong support for the Green Energy Act and the rapid expansion of green power production.

Mr. Spelliscy cleaved to Canada’s “˜not ready’ hypothesis, asking Mr. Smitherman several times to agree that there was significant uncertainty about the possibility of developing off-shore wind power during the early FIT period. Mr. Smitherman pushed back, pointing out that the government put a high priority on two issues during his time there — energy and infrastructure. The combined portfolio of energy and infrastructure had been “˜custom designed’ for him by the Premier. While in government, he had confidence in the ability of the government to overcome the obstacles that might otherwise interfere with the development of green energy.

Mr. Spelliscy engaged in repeated, and what appeared to me to be, fruitless efforts to question Mr. Smitherman on whether he would have been involved in the selection or evaluation of individual FIT applications. Even if the answer had been yes, no sane witness in Mr. Smitherman’s position yesterday would have made such an admission without being forced into a corner by compelling documentation. Mr. Smitherman easily repelled this lame fishing trip.

One of many planks in Windstream’s case points to a letter Windstream had received from then Minister of Natural Resources Minister Cansfield early in the FIT era inviting Windstream to apply for a FIT contract. Mr. Spelliscy tried to focus attention on a couple of words in this letter of encouragement wherein Minister Cansfield stated that the letter did not constitute a guarantee that Windstream would be successful. Another lame line of cross-examination crashed and burned on that one too.

In October 2009, Minister Cansfield presented a speech detailing a government review of the process of releasing Crown land to green power developers. Mr. Spelliscy tried to pump this speech up as another example that off-shore wind development was an untenable venture at the time. Mr. Smitherman rubbed that line out by responding that the speech was “˜another piece of progress’. He explained that government often works by incrementally proceeding toward objectives and that the review of site release rules was such a step.

Mr. Spelliscy managed to make George Smitherman appear to be a statesman.

Re-examination by Windstream’s lead counsel continued to build Mr. Smitherman’s standing. Mr. Smitherman had an opportunity to recycle the government’s Green Energy Act talking point that small municipalities had “˜difficulty dealing’ with set-backs for wind power and, therefore, the government had to step in to upload responsibility for zoning. The government’s decision to set the province-wide onshore wind power set-back at 550 meters sought to appease opponents of wind power while allowing development to proceed. “˜Political science was a big part of that decision,’ said Mr. Smitherman.

Mr. Smitherman noted that the government’s delays in processing Renewable Energy Approvals caused the government to extend in-service deadlines for many FIT proponents.

In response to re-examination, Mr. Smitherman repeated that making the Green Energy Act successful was “˜one of the government’s biggest priorities’ during his time as minister.

Throughout his testimony, Mr. Smitherman was effusive about green energy and its developers. For example, he described the establishment of the Renewable Energy Facilitation Office as having the purpose of coordinating the actions of government to encourage green power development. REFO was “˜to make sure we were living up to the messages we were giving that Ontario was open for green energy developers’. “˜The government of the day was motivated to assist developers to bring their projects into operation.’ He regretted that REFO had not been more successful.

It wasn’t until questions from the panel that Mr. Smitherman became vulnerable.

After some preliminary niceties, one of the panelists asked the question I most wanted to hear an answer to, “˜Why do you appear as a witness for the claimant when the claimant is claiming hundreds of millions in damages from the Canadian government? What is the message you are trying to send to the panel?’ Mr. Smitherman started his response stating that Windstream had brought witness statements from Ontario government representatives to his attention before he had any commercial engagement. He said that, after seeing their claims, he felt motivated to set the record straight.

This element of Mr. Smitherman’s explanation makes sense to me. Statements made by Ontario government representatives appear to be riddled with inconsistencies and revisionist history. For example, a central plank of the government’s case rests on former Minister Wilkinson claims that as environment minister he made the decision to impose a moratorium on wind power and he took this decision due to scientific uncertainty over potential impacts on drinking water and other potential harms. A clear trail of email documents and meeting records adduced appear to indicate that the decision was taken by the Premier’s Office for political reasons, with the “Precautionary Principle” attached later to throw off the gullible.

Mr. Smitherman’s response continued with the assertion that the government’s evidence today over-emphasizes claims about risks the developer faced. Again, this explanation makes sense to me.

Next came Mr. Smitherman’s claim to high principle. “˜I don’t want Canada to become a banana republic.”

Isn’t that rich?

The popular connotation for a “banana republic” has become divorced from its historical meaning. Mr. Smitherman appears to have meant that he does not want Canada to become a place where rules and contracts are ignored. He did not appear to mean that he does not want Canada to become a place where a few favoured elites benefit when foreign commercial interest intervene to strip local resources in a way that terribly disadvantages poor people, as was the case during much of the 20th century in, for example, Guatemala and Honduras.

Many, many citizens of rural Ontario where unwelcome wind power developments sprang up on the other side of their property lines and who have seen the impacts on their power rates might argue with Mr. Smitherman that his legacy has been to push their neighborhood in the direction of the historical meaning of a banana republic.

Next, a panelist asked, “Are you endorsing the claimant?” To which, Mr. Smitherman replied that the government of Ontario “˜did not fully comply’ with its obligations to Windstream. He added that while he was in government, government broadly approved two main initiatives — green energy development and infrastructure spending.

Next: “˜How could the (off-shore wind) moratorium have worked (or been implemented)?’ (My recollection of the exact phrasing of the question is foggy.) Answer: The Premier or his senior staff would have had to declare a consensus that the previous direction of development was not going forward.

Next: Upon what kind of economic analysis was the GEA based? Did you consider the impact on power rates? (I wanted to give the panel a standing ovation at this point, although I was viewing proceedings by livestream in an isolated room.) Answer: The Ministry of Finance was responsible for estimating that the Green Energy Act would create 50,000 jobs. The Ministry of Energy & Infrastructure did a study on the impact on power rates and “˜to the best of my memory, the impact was 2-3%.’ He then quipped, saying “˜that expectation has been met and exceeded’. Several people in the hearing room laughed, but I couldn’t tell who. Mr. Smitherman went on, saying that FIT is wrongly blamed for rate increases, that only the costs of FIT power are transparent as compared to other sources of generation, and that a significant portion of the rising cost is due to the need for transmission and distribution investments driven by the 2003 blackout.

Had the lawyers for Canada been adequately prepared and interested in revealing the true nature of Windstream’s star witness, they had abundant opportunities. They might have pointed out that Minister Smitherman’s case for the Green Energy and Green Economy Act drove off his twin claims that the legislation would drive the need for further transmission and distribution investments (long after 2003 had been dealt with) and that “We anticipate about 1% per year of additional rate increase associated with the bill’s implementation over the next 15 years.”

The lawyers for Canada might have made use of the work of Ontario’s Auditor General. The AG has found that when the Ontario government initiated its Green Energy Act transformation of the province, the government had no plan as to how to make green energy work, ignored the advice of its internal experts, had no analysis to support many of its key initiatives, and generally had no care about the cost impacts. I remind readers that many of the lawyers representing Canada were previously acting for Canada on the Mesa Power NAFTA case. Reports of the Ontario Auditor General documenting Ontario green energy disaster were adduced in that proceeding.

Alas, Canada’s lawyer sat idly by on all these points.
Question: Was the 2-3% annual increase acceptable? Answer: Yes. Closing cost power meant that anything we replaced it with would cost more, and besides, almost all electricity costs are covered by ratepayers.

Keep in mind that the subject of this hearing is a wind power contract with payments pegged at 50% above the payments to onshore power, where the onshore power purchase program created a gold rush for green energy carpetbaggers. Notice also the importance in Mr. Smitherman’s mind of the costs of his decisions not impacting government’s accounts.

Question: What about NIMBYs? Answer: NIMBYs became “˜intensely well organized’. Wind power gave rise to NIMBYs because the windiest areas are on the shores of the Great Lakes “˜where city people like to visit’. The Ontario Liberal party’s concern for the wellbeing of province’s rural citizens was prominently on display.

The only effort Canada’s lawyers made in response cross-examination was to spar with Mr. Smitherman over the distinction between the Premier driving consensus in cabinet vs. the principles of ministerial responsibility. That sparring came to nothing.

I have some sympathy for Windstream in all this. McGuinty’s venal political considerations appear to be the root cause of the company being treated unfairly. Windstream did not create the rules and appears to have played by the rules as they existed at the time. I object to some of those rules, but that is beside the point. That Canadian taxpayers are at risk for the shenanigans of McGoo’s gang is disgusting but it is the reality of this situation. This NAFTA suit illustrates the depth of rot that has crept deeply into the fabric of our society due to politicization of the power system. When Ontario turns its mind to stabilizing its power system, there is hard work ahead.


  1. Excerpt “The government’s decision to set the province-wide onshore
    wind power set-back at 550 meters sought to appease opponents of wind power
    while allowing development to proceed. ‘Political science was a big
    part of that decision,’ said Mr. Smitherman.” END

    Here above is the evidence that the totally inadequate 550m setback was not
    based on science and was a political decision.

    As well, hydro rate increases have not been 1-2% a year since
    implementation of the GEA but on average about compounded 12% increases.

    Where is the cost benefit study? Another political decision?

    So Minister of Finance, where are the 50,000 long term jobs? Usually the same people build each project.

    A lot more questions should have been asked here.

    The ratepayers of Ontario were thrown under the bus to cover the costs of this failed energy experiment when cost aren’t borne by the wind industry.

    In transmission line approvals such as Northland Power’s 10 km MMWLP project on Manitoulin Island, the government states these costs are the responsibility of the proponent. Sure, the wind industry pays for their transmission lines but that is quickly recovered back with the high FIT prices and for 20 year contracts. Is that considered government infrastructure spending?

    • The public is being fooled by the use of merchant transmission lines in this Ontario situation.

      In the situation with the IWTs being installed on the U.S. side of Lake Erie, the proponents of off-shore can claim they are safe because the U.S. approved of their use.

      In the Leamington, Lake Erie situation, the drinking water intakes would have been much closer to the IWTs.

      • And the proposed IWTs in Lake St. Clair had the potential of disturbing the toxic waste deposits in Lake St. Clair which could affect the drinking water supply for metro-Detroit areas.

        Why were off-shore wind developments even considered to begin with?

      • LECTRIXm, LLC – Merchant Transmission Developers

        MATL – Montana Alberta Tie Line
        SATL – Saskatchewan Alberta Tie Line

        “LECTRIX owns a controlling interest in Roeder & Company, LLC. Roeder & Company is a tax credit syndicator (new markets and renewable energy tax credits) and renewable energy consultant.”–investments.html

    • Wrong on your assertion about a lack of science. Building on the MOE scientific assessment that was informed by experience with several large wind projects The political science added distance to the setbacks. Look at the set backs for projects that went through EA VS. REA.

      Green Energy Act established setbacks through REA were higher by perhaps as much as 50 or 60 percent

      • Hey George: mThe lack of science and the lack of a business plan is self-evident today. Compare the cost of the commodity (electricity) for January 2015 and January 2016 and you will note that the prices (after allowing for the removal of the OCEB) jumped by $33.27/MWh putting the price up 41.5%.

        Sure beats your reputed 1% increase that you forecast without understanding what you were doing to the province. Thanks to your failed energy plan Ontario now has over 570,000 households living in “energy poverty” and that came from the OEB!.

        Self appointed Guru!

      • You and every infrasound / IWT health effect naysayer (including the likes of Tyler Hamilton, etc.) should pack up your jammies and toothbrushes and spend a week or two near one.

        • I do live 980m from the closest wind powered generator and several others less than 1500m.
          I experience no infrasound “radiation” nor ill effects. I have lived within a “wind farm” since last August and I know they produce nothing harmful. Sorry to break it to you.

          • Nobody ever claimed that everyone who lives close to a wind turbine suffers ill effects – so I guess you may be one of the lucky ones.
            On the other hand there are people who never experienced any problems for at least a year or more and have suffered since – perhaps you are one of those so don’t count your chickens yet.

          • VT Digger, Feb.14, 2016

            ‘Leonard Duffy: Energy Alternatives’

            “Furthermore, the full impact of subsidizing out-of-state financiers to destroy our landscape and our tourist industry must be weight against the cost of purchasing renewable power from Hydro-Quebec.


            Philip, would you prefer that rural Ontarians furnish renewable power to the U.S.? “Noise” isn’t the only issue in this present situation.

          • You are obviously in the 75/85% of the population unaffected by infrasound similar to the same percentage of people who won’t experience seasickness. Lucky for you but you shouldn’t wish the effects on the 15/25% of the population that will be affected.

            Check out the infrasound recordings here:

          • Glad its not a problem for you Phil, but all the ERT testimony suggests a portion of the population is certainly effected. Would you like to be put in touch with those people? Certainly the 550 meters was “political science”. It was the distance developers told the Queens Park cabal they needed to put the turbine density they wanted on the 80 and 100acre farms in southern Ont.. As a Chicago based wind company engineer pointed out a few years ago in an industry journal “things are hot up there (On.), they are really jamming them in there” . Few places got jammed harder than the municipality of ACW. Glad you like it.
            Do you honestly feel that that milky way flashing red lights that ACW has turned into is a positive? All for the pathetic few % that Samsung/Pattern/Capital return to your municipality? All so Ontario ratepayers can pay for valueless electricity that we actually paid to curtail 25% of the time last year???

      • Hey George,

        Do you want a list of all the noise and other impacts of the 2.85 MW nameplate turbines near our home and property placed there by Northland Power Inc? Hardly ethical or moral.

        Was the 550 meter setback created just to jam the turbines between road allowances and back-to-back 100 acre lots?

        The MOE allows the wind industry reduced setbacks (less than blade length) from Non participating property owners fence lines thereby sending the totally inadequate 550m or 40 db limit on to neighboring lands and managed forest woodlots. This is after a REA is approved and the public isn’t aware. What was once recreational property, is hardly that anymore. Some may be thinking, might as well clear cut.

        The 2008 Noise Guidelines for Wind Farms also allows the 40 db noise limit at 6 m/s wind speed increase to over 50 db at wind speeds of 10 m/s. A much further distance. More expropriation and hardly protective of human health and enjoyment of property. Many times the humidity is well over the 73% or so noise standard, then the impact is overwhelming. Closing the windows of your home doesn’t help to keep it out primarily when downwind of prevailing winds.

        Exemptions of further setbacks for clusters of turbines are allowed for the wind industry. All they require was a noise model which does not protect homes.

        The noise protocol requirements does nothing to protect human health let alone the environment when measurements are taken by the MOE when the atmospheric conditions do not resemble the conditions of when noise complaints are filed.

        Shall I go on?

        • Another issue:

          Locations to develop seasonal dwellings can be seriously impacted by invasive wind development. Once the turbines arrive, the wind industry chooses the potential receptor location. One very harmful scenario is where a piece of land is only suitable for dwelling development in an area proximate to a property line. If the wind industry puts up a turbine close to that favourable area, the future use of the property is just gone.

          The MOE says we are allowed to build within the danger zone but it is the township’s call to
          allow it or not as they issue the build permits. But ask yourself, who would want invest in a building within the totally inadequate 550 m limit? Another loss of land rights. The buffer zone should be contained within the lands being leased. Invasive turbines should be removed.

      • Hey George, just read your interview in Toronto Life about your venture into medical marijuana

        Loved this Question & your response:
        What’s your daily routine?
        “We’re up at 7 a.m., and into the SUV by 8 a.m. I drop Michael off at breakfast club and gymnasium play, etc” So, its “into the SUV” eh!

        Thought for sure after shoving the GEA down our throats in your efforts to save the world you would set the example and either drive an EV or take transit.

      • Under the column of unexpected outcome from the GEA and setting the record straight….. In your committee advocacy for the GEA you asserted “Ontario’s new Endangered Species Act will fully apply to renewable energy project proposals to protect listed species and their habitat”. After a couple years of developers having to apply for those annoying and embarrassing permits to kill and destroy habitat the gov’t graciously changed the legislation.
        Local habitat protection organizations have been up to their eyeballs in court battles with wind/solar developers in significant habitat areas since the GEA and the newest Long Term Energy Plan doesn’t even show a reduction in GHG’s with a tripling of RE. What went wrong here???

  2. “The Ministry of Finance was responsible for estimating that the Green Energy Act would create 50,000 jobs.”

    That assertion by George Smitherman is a blatant lie. I invite anyone to do an FOI to get evidence of such work. I’m told that MoF did run their models and the impact of the GEA was unequivocally negative, which is why the Liberal government has had to resort to adding up purported new jobs from press releases.

  3. Pingback: George Smitherman’s High Principle | Mothers Against Wind Turbines Inc.

  4. “Wrong on your assertion about a lack of science. Building on the MOE scientific assessment that was informed by experience with several large wind projects The political science added distance to the setbacks. Look at the set backs for projects that went through EA VS. REA.

    Green Energy Act established setbacks through REA were higher by perhaps as much as 50 or 60 percent”

    Which several large wind projects George? The largest and earliest I am aware of had serious problems at distances well beyond 550 metres.

  5. Governors’ accord For A New Energy Future
    Signed Feb.16, 2016

    Governors that signed include:
    Brown, Calif., Mexican power link
    Snyder, Mich., Ontario power link
    Dayton, Minn., Manitoba power link
    Coumo, N.Y. Ontario power link
    Wolf, Penn., Ontario power link in progress
    Shumlin, Vt.
    Hassan, New Hampshire
    Inslee, Wash., B.C. power link

    States along the Canadian border and a group of New England governors.

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